بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم

19,  Jumad al-Aakhir, 1444 AH  (Friday, 13 January, 2023)

Biography of Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ

It is the right of an author that you get to know about him and make Du‘ā for him. Hence, we have no option but to speak about ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ.

Since ‘Allāmah Ibn Khalliqān (d. 681 AH) was the direct student of ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ, I will use the entry that he wrote as our basis for this. ‘Allāmah Ibn Khalliqān wrote:

وقدمت عليه في أوائل شوال سنة اثنتين وثلاثين وستمائة، وأقمت عنده بدمشق ملازم الاشتغال مدة سنة. (وفيات الأعيان – 3 / 244)

Interestingly, at that time, ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāh was teaching this very book. Thus, ‘Allāmah Ibn Khallikān studied this very book directly from the author.

Basic Facts

Name: ʿUthmān

’Allāmah Ibn Khalliqān mentions:

أبو عمرو عثمان بن عبد الرحمن بن عثمان بن موسى بن أبي نصر النصري الكردي ‌الشهرزوري. (وفيات الأعيان – 3 / 243)

Title: Taqī ad-Dīn

الملقب تقي الدين. (وفيات الأعيان –  3 / 243)

Kunyah: Abū ʿAmr

أبو عمرو (وفيات الأعيان – 3 / 243)

Date of Birth: 577 AH

ومولده سنة سبع وسبعين وخمسمائة بشرخان. (وفيات الأعيان – 3 / 244)

Sharakhān is a village in Shahrazūr, and therefore he is attributed to this area. Numerous sources suggest that he was born in the main city of Shahrazūr itself.

Area: Sharazūr

This is the correct spelling of that area. ‘Allāmah Yāqūt al-Ḥamawī said:

‌‌شهرزور: بالفتح ثم السكون، وراء مفتوحة بعدها زاي، وواو ساكنة، وراء. (معجم البلدان – 3 / 375)

(This Ḍabṭ is in contrast to ‘Allāmah Sam‘ānī, ‘Allāmah Khallikān, ‘Allāmah Ibn al-Athīr and Suyūtī who all claimed that the Rā will have a Ḍammah (Shahruzūri). Qiyas necessitates that it will be with a Fatḥah, because other names of cities in Farsī which starts with the word Shahr all have a Fatḥa, example, Shahrastān, Shahrābāḍ, Shahra Ward etc.)

This is named after Zūr ibn Ḍaḥḥāk. ‘Allāmah Sam‘ānī (d. 562 AH) says:

بناها ‌زور ‌بن ‌الضحاك. (الأنساب للسمعاني- 8 / 179)

This locality is situated in a desert and it is surrounded by mountains. Ṣafiyy ad-Dīn, Ibn Shamāil (d. 739 AH) said:

والمدينة فى صحراء عليها سور سمكه ثمانية أذرع بقربها جبل يعرف بشعران، وآخر يعرف بالزّلم. (مراصد الاطلاع على أسماء الأمكنة والبقاع – 2 / 822)

In the present day, this area is on the border of Irān and ‘Irāq. Ḥamawī mentioned Shahrazūr is in-between Irbil and Hamedan, Iran:

وهي كورة واسعة في الجبال بين إربل وهمذان. (معجم البلدان – 3 / 375

Likewise, Abū ‘Abdillāh al-Maqdisī said:

ومن الموصل الى ‌شهرزور 60 فرسخا. (أحسن التقاسيم في معرفة الأقاليم – ص: 149)

One Farsakh is 5.48 KM. That means this area is 328.8 km from Mosul. Google Maps shows the distance as: 338 km by road today.

Since the area of his birth is so close to Mosul, in the chains of transmission to earlier scholars of Ḥadīth etc, we find scholars attributing him to Mosul. In fact, in the manuscript of As-Sunan al-Kabīr of Imām al-Bayhaqī, ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ himself wrote:

سماع العبد الفقير إلى الله عثمان بن ‌عبد ‌الرحمن ‌بن ‌عثمان ‌الشهرزورى الموصلي، منه، عفا الله عنه وعنهم. (مقدمة للسنن الكبير للبيهقي – / 87)

The next city that was close to this area was Ḥalwān. ‘Allāmah ‘Azīzī said:

وقال في العزيزي أيضا: وبينها وبين حلوان اثنان وعشرون فرسخا. (المسالك والممالك للمهلبي– ص: 146)

Background of his area

It is said about this vicinity in which he was born in that:

– Dāwūd and Sulaymān prayed for the people of this area

– Ṭālūṭ hailed from this city

– The Banī Isrāīl attained victory in this zone.

‘Allāmah Yāqūt al-Ḥamawī said:

وهي مدينة منصورة، يقال إن داود وسليمان، عليهما السلام، دعوا لها ولأهلها بالنصر فهي ممتنعة أبدا عمن يرومها، ويقال إن طالوت كان منها وبها استنصر بنو إسرائيل، وذلك أن جالوت خرج من المشرق وداود من المغرب وأيده الله عليه. (معجم البلدان – 3 / 376)

The inhabitants of this areas were all Kurds:

وأهل هذه النواحي كلهم أكراد. (معجم البلدان – 3 / 375)

Nature of his area

The area in which a person is born is, his environment and the society in which he is raised all play an extremely important role in forming the mindset and interests of a person. Hence, we have to take a quick glance at the vicinity from which ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ hailed from.

It the distant past, this district had a history of the inhabitants revolting and turning against the leaders. Likewise, the inhabitants of this entire province were notorious for their harsh temperament and sternness. However, it is proven that by the time of ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ, the inhabitants reformed and the place changed its infamous ways. Yāqūt al-Ḥamawī, a contemporary of ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ said:

وليس الآن على ما ذكر وإنما نذكر هذا ليعرف تقلب الزمان بأهله وما يصنع الحدثان في إدارة حوادثه ونقله. (معجم البلدان – 3 / 376)

It is actually proven that from centuries before ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāh, the natives and his ancestors were already rectifying and improving themselves. Thus, Ibn al-Faqīh (d. 365 AH) said:

‌شهرزور. وأهلها ظرفاء فضلاء فيهم الجمال ولباسهم الكمال. (البلدان لابن الفقيه – ص: 312)

But despite their external beauty and the pride that they would take in their dressing, even at that that time in the forth century, they still had that harshness within them. Hence, Ḥasan al-‘Azīzī (d. 380 AH) said:

وفي أهلها غلظ وجفا. (المسالك والممالك للمهلبي – ص: 146)

Before the birth of ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāh, there was already a lot of interest in knowledge. ‘Allāmah Sam‘ānī (d. 562 AH), who passed away fifteen years before ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ was born, said:

خرج منها جماعة من العلماء والمحدثين. (الأنساب للسمعاني – 8 / 179)

Yāqūt al-Ḥamawī then explains that in his time – which is the time of ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ – the city was brimming with scholars and it became a hub of knowledge. He says:

وقد خرج من هذه الناحية من الأجلة والكبراء والأئمة والعلماء وأعيان القضاة والفقهاء ما يفوت الحصر عده ويعجز عن إحصائه النفس ومدِه، وحسبك بالقضاة بني الشهرزوري جلالة قدر وعظم بيت وفخامة فعل، وذكر الذين ما علمت أن في الإسلام كله ولي من القضاة أكثر من عدتهم من بيتهم، وبنو عصرون أيضا قضاة بالشام وأعيان من فرق بين الحلال والحرام منهم وكثير غيرهم جدا من الفقهاء الشافعية، والمدارس منهم مملوءة. (معجم البلدان – 3 / 376)

There are two Shāfiʿī families that have roots there – the Banū Shahrazūrī and the Banū Aṣrūn. From these families, many senior Fuqahā’ in the Shāfi’ī Madhhab and numerous judges were produced. ‘Allāmah Ḥamawī is saying that he does not know of any other tribe that presented so many judges; and Yaqūt al-Ḥamawī was an expert in knowing about different cities and various clans. Thus, when he says that he does not know, that it holds a lot of merit.

The judges of these tribes were such masters in fiqh that both the Zengids and the Ayyūbids hired them as judges. These two dynasties (Zengids and the Ayyūbids ) were at loggerheads with each other, yet they both hired judges from the people of Shahrazūr. This shows their competence and their level of mastery in Fiqh.

His Father

Muftī ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān – He was famously called Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn. This is how Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ became famous as Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ.

Mufti Salāh, ‘Abdur Raḥmān (the father of the author) was the leading Faqīh and a very senior Muftī. In Siyar A’lām an-Nubalā, ‘Allāmah Dhahabī provides the following brief entry on his father:

‌‌96 – الصلاح ‌عبد ‌الرحمان ‌بن ‌عثمان بن موسى الكردي *

العلامة، المفتي، صلاح الدين ‌عبد ‌الرحمان ‌بن ‌عثمان بن موسى الكردي، ‌الشهرزوري، الشافعي، والد الشيخ تقي الدين أبي عمرو بن الصلاح.

تفقه على: أبي سعد بن أبي عصرون، وغيره، وبرع، ودرس بالأسدية بحلب.

تفقه به: ولده، وغيره. مات: بحلب، في ذي القعدة، سنة ثماني عشرة وست مائة، عن بضع وستين سنة. (سير أعلام النبلاء – 22 / 148)

‘Allāmah Dhahabī only mentions his date of demise. The date is correct, and he took that from Ibn Khallikān (d. 681 AH)

وتوفي والده الصلاح ليلة الخميس السابع والعشرين من ذي القعدة سنة ثمان عشرة وستمائة بحلب. (وفيات الأعيان – 3 /244)

‘Allāmah Dhahabī does not mention about his date of birth in Siyar A’lām an-Nubalā, but he mentions about it in Tārīkh al-Islām:

ولد قبل الأربعين وخمسمائة. (تاريخ الإسلام – 44 / 404)

Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ’s father was the teacher of the teachers of Imām Nawawī, his Sanad goes through his father. This is sufficient proof to show us how great he was.

Mawlānā Ṭāhā Karān – the leading Shāfi’ī scholar of South Africa – mentioned that in the Shāfi’ī madhhab there is a concept that the Shāfi’īs follow Imām Nawawī more than they follow Imām ash-Shāfi’ī. Because, if Imām ash-Shāfi’ī wrote something in his works and Imām an-Nawawī issued a verdict in contrast to that, then Imām an-Nawawī’s view is given preference. The reason is that Imām Nawawī definitely knew about the view of Imām ash-Shāfiʿī, yet if he is still giving a contradictory Fatwā, then there must be a reason for it.

If both Imām Rāfiʿīʿ and Imām Nawawī mention something, then that is definitely the Muftā bihī in the Shāfi’ī Madhhab. The author studied directly under the former, and his father was the teacher of the teachers of the latter.

Early Learning

Since his father was such a senior scholar and the main Muftī, ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ commenced his learning under his father. Furthermore, whilst he was still a child and learning from his honourable father, they moved to Irbīl. Historical works do not tell us when and why he relocated from his native area. Nevertheless, it is at Irbīl that ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ learnt and memorised the Qur’ān and he also studied other books.

He started to study Fiqh under his father. ‘Allāmah Ibn Khallikan (d. 681 AH) says:

‌قرأ ‌الفقه ‌أولا ‌على ‌والده ‌الصلاح وكان من جلة مشايخ الأكراد المشار إليهم. (وفيات الأعيان – 3 / 243)

We do not know of any other teacher of his from Irbīl. However, it is definite that he may have studied under other teachers. Just as how Shahrāzūr was brimming with scholars, Irbīl too was a hub of academics.

In his Tārīkh Irbil, Ibn al-Mustawfī explains that this area was home to thousands of scholars and academics. Hence, it is obvious that a person with such a keen academic interest like Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ would study with other scholars in the area. Being a leading scholar himself, his father would have his interest at heart and make him study under other. But we do not know specific details.

The ruler of Irbīl at the time – after 586 AH – was the brother-in-law of Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn al-Ayyūbī, Muzaffar al-Dīn. He took a strong interest in all religious issues, sponsored a lot of Islāmic work and started lots of charity organisations.

He even built a school to specialise in ḥadīth. In the late 6th century, scholars were losing interest in ḥadīth, therefore the ruler, Muzaffar ad-Dīn, built a Madrasah called Madrasah Muzaffariyyah to specialise in ḥadīth. If a person did not prefer to travel to the East for Ḥadith, then Northern ʿIrāq was the place where he could go to study the words of the Prophet ﷺ. In the West; in Andalūsia, Egypt, and even in Yemen etc, people were starting to lose interest in ḥadīth.

This king Muzaffar ad-Dīn also contributed to many Islamic projects in different places. He used to donate a lot of money to Makkah and Madīnah. If this was his contribution to other places, one can imagine how much he would contribute to a unique institute that was named after him, and how much he would invest in the scholars who would teach there. More importantly, he would hire the best scholars and the greatest academics to lecture in his seminary.

Mosul

‘Allāmah Khalliqān says:

ثم نقله والده إلى الموصل واشتغل بها مدة (وفيات الأعيان – 3 / 243)

Although Irbīl was only 82 km from Mosul, in that time, Irbīl was ruled by the Ayyūbīs, whilst Mosul was ruled by the Zengids.

In Irbīl, ‘Allāmah Ibn as-Ṣalāḥ was still a young boy and not yet bāligh. He left the Ayyūbī lands and moved to the Zengids, which was ruled by ʿIzz al-Dīn Masʿūd ibn Mawdūd. This ruler had enmity with Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn al-Ayyūbī because he was initially the ruler of Ḥalab, Aleppo, and he lost that main, important and strategic city to Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn al-Ayyūbī. Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ’ṣ father moved there, probably due to the scholars residing in that area.

In this new city, ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ continued to study under his father. ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ studied Al-Muhadhdhab twice with his father, and he actually memorised this important book before he could reach his teens. ‘Allāmah Ibn Khallikān says:

وبلغني أنه كر على جميع كتاب ” المهذب ” ولم يطر شاربه. (وفيات الأعيان – 3 / 243)

He memorized the entire Al-Muhadhdhab before his moustage could sprout.

His father also had ijāzah in both the ʿIrāqi and Khurāsānī schools of the Shāfi’ī madhhab. ‘Allāmah Ibn Kathīr said:

وجمع بين طرفي المذهب قبل أن يخضر شاربه. (طبقات الشافعيين – ص: 857)

To understand these two streams of the Shāfi’ī scholars of that time, one may read the book of Imām Nawawī – Tadhhīb al-Asma’ wa ‘l-Lughāt or Mukhtaṣar Kitāb Mu’ammal Fīr Radd ilā Amr al-Awwal of Abū Shamā al-Maqdisī.

His father had ijāzah in both of these schools, which gave Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ the opportunity to combine and reconcile these two schools.

Besides Al-Muhadhdhab, we do not know of any the names of the other works, but one thing is for sure, his father made him an expert in Fiqh. ‘Allāmah Dhahabī says that it was his father who made him a Faqīh:

تفقه به: والده. (سير أعلام النبلاء – 22 / 148)

‘Allāmah Ibn Kathīr (d. 774 AH) mentions the same:

تفقه على والده. (طبقات الشافعيين – ص: 857)

Besides his father, here in Mosul, he studied under other teachers as well. He again had to study Al-Muhadhdhab under the leading Shāfi’ī scholars there. ‘Allāmah Khalliqān says:

ثم إنه تولى الإعادة عند الشيخ العلامة عماد الدين أبي حامد ابن يونس بالموصل أيضا (وفيات الأعيان – 3 / 243)

‘Allāmah Dhahabī lists the names of some of the teachers who he had the fortune of studying under in this area:

ثم اشتغل بالموصل مدة، وسمع من: عبيد الله ابن السمين، ونصر بن سلامة الهيتي، ومحمود بن علي الموصلي، وأبي المظفر بن البرني، وعبد المحسن ابن الطوسي، وعدة بالموصل. (سير أعلام النبلاء–23 / 140)

‘Ubaydullāh Ibn as-Samīn was a master in Ḥadīth, and Naṣr ibn Salāmah and ʿAbd al-Muḥsin Ibn at-Tūsi were the leadings Musnids of that time.

This could probably be the reason why his father may have have moved to Mosul. As mentioned earlier, scholars were generally losing interest in ḥadīth but here there were these three senior scholars of Ḥadīth in Mosul. Similarly, it is probably that due to being exposed to the Madrassah of Ḥadīth in Irbīl, and now coming into contact with these three great giants of Ḥadīth, his interest in Ḥadīth was aroused. He may have noted that there is this one university in Irbīl, and few scholars in Mosul, but besides that, interest in specialising in Ḥadīth was on a decline.

‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāh also studied under Muḥammad ibn Yūnus al-Irbīlī, who was a great Shāfi’ī scholar.

(From this point, historical reports do not mention the order of the areas, hence, the order that I mention is according to my deductions and guesswork. That is based on:

• Scholars using words like Thummah (which indicated that he went there after the previous place)
• The map (what would be a practical and logical way for him to go to those areas)
• The dates of demise of the scholars that he met in those areas.
• The dates of wars in the respective areas (of the Crusaders and Tartars)

Khurāsān

He now left for the East, which was the place to go to for Ḥadīth. The best place to go is the place where the progeny of the scholars of ḥadīth were.

وأقام قليلا ثم سافر إلى خراسان فأقام بها زمانا وحصل علم الحديث هناك. (وفيات الأعيان-3 / 244)

This was around 2500 km from where he was.

Nisāpūr

Whilst in the East, he travelled to other areas and got Ijāzāt in Ḥadīth. Some sources place this at the year 600 AH, which means he was about 22-23 years old.

When he reached Nisāpūr, there was a Spanish scholar, Abū ‘l-Khiṭāb ibn Diḥya al-Kalbī, visiting that area, and ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāh had the opportunity of reciting the Muwaṭṭa to him and gaining Ijāzah. ‘Allāmah Dhahabī said:

وقد سمع منه: أبو عمرو بن الصلاح (الموطأ) ‌بعيد ‌سنة ‌ست مائة. (سير أعلام النبلاء – 22 / 393)

‘Allāmah Dhahabī mentions the names of some of his teachers:

ومن: أبي الفتح منصور بن عبد المنعم ابن الفراوي، والمؤيد بن محمد بن علي الطوسي….. (سير أعلام النبلاء – 23 / 141)

These two scholars read Saḥīḥ al-Bukhārī to ʿAbdullāh Farāwī, who possessed a very short chain to the author. Thus, ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāhs chains will be:

Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ heard it from Al-Mu’ayyad ibn Muḥammad al-Tūsī, who heard it from ʿAbdullāh Farāwī, who heard it from Saʿīd ibn Abī Saʿīd al-,Nisāpūr who heard it from Abū ʿAbdullāh al-Marwazī who heard it from Farabrī, who heard it from Imām Bukhārī.

In between Imām Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ and Imām Bukhārī, there are only five narrators. For the Thulāthiyyat of the ḥadīth (those aḥādīth with only three narrators), between Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ and the Prophet ﷺ, there were only nine narrators.

He then listened to Saḥīḥ al-Bukhārī with a second sanad:

From al-Mu’ayyad ibn Muḥammad al-Tūsi, from Wajīh ibn Ṭāhir al-Shujamī who heard it from the Abū ‘l-Fatū’ al-Shadhyākhī who heard it from Abū Sahl al-Ḥafṣi who heard it from Abū ‘l-Ḥaytham al-Kashmahīnī who heard it from Farabrī who heard it from Imām Bukhārī.

Mu’ayyad ibn Muḥammad al-Tūsi also had a very short sanad for Saḥīḥ Muslim, and that would be as follows:

Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ heard the whole Saḥīḥ Muslim from Mu’ayyad ibn Muḥammad al-Tūsī, who heard it from Abū ‘l-Ḥasan ʿAbd al-Ghāfir al-Fārsī, who heard it from Abū Aḥmad al-Jalūdī, who heard it from Ibrāhīm ibn Muḥammad ibn Sufyān Nisāpūri, who heard it from Imām Muslim.

That makes it four narrators to Imām Muslim. This is the Sanad of Imām Ibn Ḥajar al-ʿAsqalānī as well.

Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ also heard from Manṣūr ibn ʿAbd al-Munʿim as we mentioned. He again heard from him Saḥīḥ al-Bukhārī with the sanad of ʿAbdullāh al-Farāwī. ʿAbdullāh al-Farāwī was Manṣūr ibn ʿAbd al-Munʿim’s grandfather. That is the third time he read the entire Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī to a Shaykh.

He also heard the Arbaʿīn of ʿAbdullāh al-Farāwī from him.

He heard Saḥīḥ Muslim with the same Sanad of Abū ‘l-Ḥasan ʿAbd al-Ghāfir al-Farsī. In this way he heard Saḥīḥ Muslim for the second time.

He also read the Sunan al-Kubrā of Imām Bayhaqī, and that sanad again is very short:

Ibn aṣ-Salāḥ, who heard it form Manṣūr ibn ʿAbd al-Munʿim al-Farawī, who heard it from Abū ‘l-Maʿāli al-Fārisī who heard it from the author, Imām Bayhaqī.

This is the Sanad that is found in the printed copies of As-Sunan al-Kubrā.

‘Allāmah Dhahabī mentions the name of the third teacher:

……وزينب بنت أبي القاسم الشعرية….. (سير أعلام النبلاء –23 / 141)

This time, he heard from a female, Zaynab ash-Shā’iriyyah, and she had two important teachers: Shaykh Wajīh Suhānī and Abū ‘l-Fatū’ Shadhiyākhī, they were in that area so she had asānīd from them. Her sanad was:

Zaynab ash-Shā’iriyyah who heard from Shaykh Wajīh Suhānī and Abū ‘l-Fatū’ Shadhiyākhī who heard from Abū Sahl al-Ḥafṣī who heard from Kashmahīnī, who heard from Farabrī.

The other sanad is:

Zaynab ash-Shā’iriyyah who heard from Abū ‘l-Maʿāli al-Fārsī who heard from Saʿīd al-Layāl who heard from Ibn Shibwayh who heard from Farabrī who heard from Imām Bukhārī.

This is now the fifth known time that he heard Saḥīḥ al-Bukhārī.

…..والقاسم بن أبي سعد الصفار….. (سير أعلام النبلاء – 23 / 141)

This was the leading Muftī of that time, Muftī Abū Bakr Qāsim ibn Abū Saʿd. He was the Shāfi’ī Muftī of Nisāpūr He was martyred when the Tartars came. ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ had the privilege of studying Fiqh under him.

Besides those, ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ studied under other experts of that region…..

…..ومحمد بن الحسن الصرام، وأبي المعالي بن ناصر الأنصاري، وأبي النجيب إسماعيل القارئ، وطائفة بنيسابور. (سير أعلام النبلاء – 23 / 141)

Merv

Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ then went to Merv where he studied under Abū Muzaffar ʿAbd ar-Raḥīm ibn Abū Saʿd al-Sam’ānī.

ومن أبي المظفر ابن السمعاني بمرو. (سير أعلام النبلاء – 23 / 141)

He is the son of the famous ‘Allāmah Sam’ānī, who is the author of Al-Ansāb.

Again, for the sixth known time, he read Saḥīḥ al-Bukhārī.

‘Allāmah Dhahabī mentions the names of others to whom he read:

وقد سمع الكثير بمرو من محمد بن إسماعيل الموسوي، وأبي جعفر محمد بن محمد السنجي، ومحمد بن عمر المسعودي. (سير أعلام النبلاء – 23 / 142)

He also read Musnad Dārimī and the Musnad of Ḥaytham ibn Kulayb. Then he studied the Saḥīḥ of Abū ’l-‘Uwānah under Abū ’l-Barakāt al-Farāwī. He also studied under Shaykh Abū Ṭāhir al-Sindhī and he heard Musnad Shāfi’ī from him.

Iran

Either on his journey to these areas in the far east, or on his return journey, he heard from the scholars in present day Iran:

Hamadhān

‘Allāmah Dhahabī said:

ومن أبي الفضل بن المعزم بهمذان. (سير أعلام النبلاء – 23 / 140)

Qazwīn

As mentioned earlier, the Shāfi’ī Madhhab has two primary scholars, Imām Nawawī and Imām Rāfiʿī. Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ was very fortunate to study under Imām Rāfiʿī and he gained his Sanad in Fiqh directly from him. Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ said regarding him:

أظن لم ‌أر ‌في ‌بلاد ‌العجم ‌مثله، كان ذا فنون، حسن السيرة، جميل الأمر. (سير أعلام النبلاء – 22 / 253)

ʿAllāmah Subkī also quotes this and comments:

قلت ‌لا ‌شك ‌في ‌ذلك. (طبقات الشافعية الكبرى – 8 / 283)

There was no one more competent than him. If the Shāfi’īs to this day base their Fatwā on his views and treat him with such honour in their Madhhab, one can well imagine what a competent scholar he must have been.

Syria

Ḥalab (Allepo)

He studied under ʿImād ad-Dīn ibn Yūnus, and after teaching him, ʿImād ad-Dīn ibn Yūnus kept him as a teaching assistant in Madrasah Niẓāmiyyah. At this time, Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ was not even 30 but he became a teaching assistant of a very senior Shaykh.

However, it was just a few months that he taught alongside his teacher, when he decided to go travel again for his studies.

Irāq

Baghdād

He now returned to Irāq and he headed straight to the capital, Baghdād. Here he studied under Ḍiyā’ al-Dīn ibn Sikkīnah who was the muḥaddith of ʿIrāq, and also under Ibn Tabarzār al-Baghdādī, who was regarded as the greatest Musnid of that era.

ومن: أبي أحمد بن سكينة، وأبي حفص بن طبرزذ، وطبقتهما ببغداد. (سير أعلام النبلاء – 23 / 140)

By now he was in his late twenties. ‘Allāmah Ṣafdī says:

‌ورحل ‌وله ‌بضع ‌وعشرون ‌سنة إلى بغداد. (الوافي بالوفيات – 20 / 26)

Return To Syria

Halab

He now returned to the Ayyūbī lands. Presumably, this was in the year 608 AH, at the age of 29.

When he came back to Ḥalab, he was appointed a professor at Madrasah Asadiyyah. This is the same institute where his father was teaching. We quoted earlier from ‘Allāmah Ibn Kathīr said:

وكان أبوه مدرسا بالأسدية التي بحلب، وواقفها أسد الدين شيركوه بن شادي، وقدم هو الشام وهو في عداد الفضلاء الكبار. (البداية والنهاية 13 / 196)

‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ kept that post until the year 610 AH. At that time, Ḥalab was ruled by the son of Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn al-Ayyūbī, Ẓāhir Ghāzī. Along with teaching, he attended the lessons of Abū Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Raḥman ibn ʿAbdullāh ibn Alwān. He also attended the durūs of other scholars of that area. ‘Allāmah Dhahabī said:

ومن أبي محمد ابن الأستاذ وغيره بحلب. (سير أعلام النبلاء – 23 / 141)

Ḥarrān

Between 610 – 613 AH, it is unclear what he did as the books of history are silent on it, but it is probable that at this time, he went to Ḥarrān, is in modern day Turkey. Here, he studied under ʿAbd al-Qādir Ruhāwī. ‘Allamah Dhahabī said:

ومن الحافظ عبد القادر الرهاوي بحران. (سير أعلام النبلاء – 23 / 141)

We assume that this was in 612 AH because ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ was present for his janāzah in the year 612 AH.

Syria

Damascus

In the year 613 AH, he left for Damasus. This was his first time that he was going to that city. Before that, there were the battles with the Crusaders in those regions, and it was not safe for Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāh to travel there earlier in his life. ‘Allāmah Dhahabī said:

وكان قدومه دمشق في حدود سنة ثلاث عشرة بعد أن فرغ من خراسان والعراق والجزيرة. (سير أعلام النبلاء – 23 / 142)

He came as a student, and he studied under Abū Manṣūr ʿAbd al-Raḥman ibn Muḥammad who was known as Fakhr ibn ʿAsākir. He was the nephew of the famous Ibn ʿAsākir, who wrote Tārīkh Dimashq which was printed in 80 volumes.

‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ also studied under the famous Ḥanbalī scholar Ibn Qudāmah al-Maqdisī. ‘Allāmah Dhahabī mentions:

ومن الإمامين فخر الدين ابن عساكر وموفق الدين ابن قدامة، وعدة بدمشق (سير أعلام النبلاء – 23 / 141)

He also got to study under under Abū ‘l-Qāsim Jamāl al-Dīn al-Harastānī, as ‘Allāmah Dhahabī says:

نعم، وبدمشق أيضا من: القاضي أبي القاسم عبد الصمد بن محمد بن الحرستاني.(سير أعلام النبلاء– 23 / 141)

He stayed in Damascus for two years.

Palestine

Quds

‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ went to Bayt al-Maqdis in 615 AH. Bayt al-Maqdis was under Muslim rule after Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn al-Ayyūbī had conquered it in 583 AH when Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ was around 5/6 years old. He then built a madrasah there in 588 AH. A teacher from that Madrasah then refused to issue a ruling that it is Ḥalāl to sell wine, which the ruler wanted him to say. So, he was outed by the ruler and Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ took that post. This is where his official teaching career begins. ‘Allāmah Ibn Khallikān said:

ثم رجع إلى الشام وتولى التدريس بالمدرسة الناصرية بالقدس المنسوبة إلى الملك الناصر صلاح الدين يوسف بن أيوب، رحمه الله تعالى، (وفيات الأعيان – 3 / 244)

This was the first institute built by the Ayyūbīd, after they captured this area from the Crusaders. He spent about a year to maximum three years in this area:

وأقام بها مدة، واشتغل الناس عليه وانتفعوا به. (وفيات الأعيان – 3 / 244)

He was just settling down when the Crusaders intervened. It has just been less than three decades since the Crusaders lost Jerusalem, but their vision was still on getting it back. Hardly a year before ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ could come here, they attacked Jerusalem. This time, the Crusaders came with a huge and mighty army. Seeing that they would not stand a chance against the Christians, the Muslim ruler of that time, Al-Mu’adhdham – who was the nephew of Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn al-Ayyūbī – ordered that the walls of the city be raised. This was in an attempt to make a treaty with the Crusaders. The residents of Jerusalem, though, protested and people were unhappy with this as they would lose whatever security they may have, once the walls are brought down. Nevertheless, the leader felt that this was in their best interests and the walls were broken down. After this, the inhabitants were left totally defenseless and with no security, so people left their belongings and they fled.

However, ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ had nowhere else to go. He could not return to his birthplace, because the Tartars already invaded it.

By the year 616 AH they had already conquered all the areas in the far east, to which ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāh went to study. From Khawārizm to Bukhārā and even Khurāsān and Azerbaijān, all these areas were already under their control. Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ was lucky that he just went to Nisāpūr and got knowledge from all those scholars because all the libraries were now destroyed, and the rivers became black with the ink of the manuscripts they destroyed. Many of the teachers he got ijāzah and asānīd from were made shahīd by the Tartars.

By 617 AH, they took over Irbīl, where Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ had spent his days as a young boy. So even if Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ wanted to go back home, the roads were closed, because by the year 618AH, as ‘Allāmah Dhahabī mentions:

واشتهلت ثمانية عشر وست مائة هجري والدنيا تغلي بالتاتار.

Likewise, ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ could not go back to his father, because he passed away in this very same year:

وتوفي والده الصلاح ليلة الخميس السابع والعشرين من ذي القعدة سنة ثمان عشرة وستمائة بحلب. (وفيات الأعيان – 3 / 244)

In short, with the Tartars on the one hand, and the fear of the Crusaders on the other, ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ really had to think carefully and decide properly where to go.

Damascus

The best thing to do for him was to go back to Damascus.

Rawāḥiyyah

Coming here, he was given a post at Madrassah Rawāḥiyyah. ‘Allāmah Ibn Khalliqān says:

ثم انتقل إلى دمشق وتولى تدريس المدرسة الرواحية التي أنشأها الزكي أبو القاسم هبة الله بن عبد الواحد ابن رواحة الحموي،. (وفيات الأعيان – 3 / 244)

The amazing thing was that in Damascus, Mu’adhdham was surrounded by Shāfi’īs, his brothers, cousins etc were all Shāfi’ī but he became a Ḥanafī, he even wrote a kitāb in response to Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī’s attack on Imām Abū Ḥanifah – As-Sahm al-Muṣīb fī Radd ʿalā ‘l-Khaṭīb (printed by Dār Nawādir in 184 pages). He was a staunch (Mutaʿaṣṣib) Ḥanafī. Someone asked him: “Why did you become Ḥanafī when your entire family, neighbours, and everyone in your community are Shāfiʿīs?” He replied saying – “Do you not want there to be one Muslim among you?” That is clear illustration of what a Mutaʿaṣṣib Ḥanafī he was. Out of his extreme love for the Hanafī madhhab, he would give 100 dinars to anyone who memorised al-Jāmiʿ al-Kabīr of Imām Muḥammad. If a person memorised al-Jāmʿ al-Ṣaghīr, he would give you 50 dinars. 100 dinars is 437.4 grams of pure gold. Based on todays exchange rate, it is around $27 200 and 50 dinars, around $13 600!

Besides his excellence in his academic field, Muʿaẓẓam was also very liberal. Thus, he allowed Jews and Christians to build their places of worship, and they also legalised wine. But one thing which he couldn’t come to terms with was that there was an influx of Ḥanbalīs (aka in modern days as Atharīs –those who take everything in the literal sense. Being an Ashʿarī scholar Muʿaẓẓam really could not accept that.

A very brief history is that about sixty years before; in the year 551 AH, many Ḥanbalīs (Ḥanbalī refers to the Madhhab, but saying Atharī would be better), began to flee from the Crusaders because the Crusaders at that time were attacking Jerusalem, they were attacking Palestine. The Atharīs all came and settled in one suburb of Damascus, and that was Ṣāliḥiyyah. The people of Ṣāliḥiyyah were not scholars; they were just local farmers, etc. Since so many Atharīs came, they began to offer support and strengthen each other, and they converted the entire locality into following their beliefs; that everything should be taken in its literal meaning.

One prominent figure from this region was ʿAbd al-Ghanī ibn ʿAbd al-Wāḥid al-Maqdisī, renowned for authoring al-Kamāl fī Asmāʾ ar-Rijāl, a primary source on narrators. Despite his contributions, he also produced some problematic works and made contentious claims, reflecting his strong adherence to the Atharī school. His actions often stirred controversy.

In Isfahan, where the Ashʿarī scholar Abū Nuʿaym al-Isbahānī resided, ʿAbd al-Ghanī authored Tabyīn al-Iṣābah, highlighting 190 errors in Abū Nuʿaym’s Maʿrifat al-Ṣaḥābah. His criticisms provoked such hostility from the local Ashʿarīs that he narrowly escaped with his life, fleeing without any possessions.

Later, in Mosul, he began teaching Kitāb al-Ḍuʿafāʾ al-Kabīr by ʿUqaylī, a work that criticizes Imām Abū Ḥanīfah. ʿAbd al-Ghanī leveraged this text to attack the Ḥanafīs, leading to his imprisonment by the Ḥanafīs in retaliation. A friend of his managed to get him released.

He then came to Damascus. Here, he chose the Umayyad Masjid to announce his beliefs. It is inevitable that this was going to incite the Ashʿarīs and Māturīdīs of the area, and they began to protest against him and a fatwā was issued that he is a kāfir. Immediately, Muʿaẓẓam got the Ḥanbalīs evicted from the Umayyad masjid, and ʿAbd al-Ghanī ibn ʿAbd al-Wāḥid  put him under house arrest so that he could not teach. However, an-Nāṣir al-Ḥanbalī stood up and he raised a mob. Since many of the people in Ṣāliḥiyyah were now Atharī, to gather them all and incite them to revolt against the government, was easy. In this way, they created mayhem and spread lots of corruption. Within hours, the Ḥanbalīs were given back their place in the masjid. This lead to lots of problems, because although they were teaching in the Umayyad Masjid, the Ashʿarīs and the ruler Muʿaẓẓam were against them and did not want them to teach; whilst they were using this as an opportunity to infiltrate within the masses of the Ash’ārīs and convert them to their beliefs. It was in this environment that Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ came and when he arrived in Damascus, he could not get a job because his ʿAqīdah was not known. Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ knew that it was in his best interest not to publicly mention his beliefs, whether he was an ʿAshʿarī or whether he was an Atharī. He decided to be diplomatic. After two years like this, whilst Muʿaẓẓam was still unaware on which side of the fence he was, he asked Ibn al-Jawzī, to speak to him. Finally, in the year 622 AH, he got the position in madrasah Rawāhiyyah.

Even then, this position remained somewhat vulnerable, as although year after year he had a high position, he also expressed strong views. When the rector of this institute; the businessman, whose name was in Ibn Rawwāhah passed away, they wanted to bury him in the courtyard of the Madrasah, but Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ objected. Likewise, Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ issued a strong view on this position that no Christian, no Jew and no Atharī (remember that the Atharīs were now in Damascus) were allowed to enter the madrasah.

Nevertheless, ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ taught at Madrassah Rawwāḥiyyah. ‘Allāmah Dhahabī mentions that he taught here for quite some time:

فدرس بالرواحية مدة عندما أنشأها الواقف، (سير أعلام النبلاء – 23 / 141)

Thereafter, Ashraf, the brother of Muʿaẓẓam snatched away the rulership of his nephew Dāwūd, and Ashraf became the ruler, and Ashraf destroyed all the liberalism, etc, which his brother Muʿaẓẓam used to advocate. It was now in the year 628 AH when Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ really started to get some recognition. Ashraf built a school to specialise in ḥadīth called Dār al-Ḥadīth al-Ashrafiyyah. Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ was made the first professor of the school .

ولما بنى الملك الأشرف ابن الملك العادل بن أيوب، رحمه الله تعالى، دار الحديث بدمشق فوض تدريسها إليه. واشتغل الناس عليه بالحديث (وفيات الأعيان – 3 / 244)

‘Allāmah Ibn Kathīr said:

وهو أول من وليها من شيوخ الحديث (البداية والنهاية – 13 / 168)

It was here where he dictated the whole of ʿUlūm al-Ḥadīth, which is the kitāb we will be studying.

وهو الذي صنف كتاب وقفها وهو أول من وليها من شيوخ الحديث، وهو الذي صنف كتاب وقفها (البداية والنهاية 13 / 168)

The rector of Dār al-Ḥadῑth al-Ashrafiyyah had stipulated that the headteacher in this institute must put in writing that he is an Ash‛arῑ in creed. It was at this point that ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥs Aqīdah was revealed; that he was indeed an Ash‘arī. Thus, in the subsequent centuries too, only Ash ‘arīs taught here. After Ibn al-Ṣalāḥ, Abū Shāmah al-Maqdisī raḥimahullah (d. 665 AH) took the position. Thereafter, Imām al-Nawawī (d.676 AH) signed that he is an Ash ‘arī and took the positions. That was followed by ‘Allāmah Mizzī (d.642 AH) who done the same. He was followed by Taqī al-Dῑn al-Subkī (d.756 AH). In this manner, the main techers were all Ash‘arīs.

‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāh now taught in two institutes: Rawwāḥiyyah and Ashrafiyyah

He was then given a third post as part-time teacher in Madrasah ash-Shāmiyyah. ‘Allāmah Ibn Kathīr said:

، ثم بالشامية الجوانية. (البداية والنهاية – 13 / 168)

This institute was built by the sister of Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn al-Ayyūbī. ‘Allāmah Ibn Khallikān said:

ثم تولى تدريس ست الشام زمرد خاتون بنت أيوب – وهي شقيقة شمس الدولة توران شاه بن أيوب المقدم ذكره التي هي داخل البلد قبلي البيمارستان النوري، وهي التي بنت المدرسة الأخرى ظاهر دمشق، وبها قبرها وقبر أخيها المذكور وزوجها ناصر الدين بن أسد الدين شيركوه صاحب حمص (وفيات الأعيان – 3 / 244)

One amazing thing about her was that due to being the sister of rulers, she had a lot of wealth at her disposal, but she contributed all her wealth for the course of Islām, and she lived a very, very simple life.

In 2009 when we were in Syria, then we saw the place where she used to live. It was absolutely simple. (We do not know whether those places are demolished. We also saw the madrasah where Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ used to teach and the place in which the qabr of Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ was). They remained for 800 years, but probably in the last decade of war, they may have been bombed.)

Nevertheless, ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ held these positions; in Madrassah Rawwāḥiyyah, Madrasah al-Ashrafiyyah and in the Madrasah ash-Shāmiyyah right up until he passed away in the year 643 AH.

– فكان يقوم بوظائف الجهات الثلاث من غير إخلال بشيء منها إلا لعذر ضروري لابد منه، وكان من العلم والدين على قدم حسن، وقدمت عليه في أوائل شوال سنة اثنتين وثلاثين وستمائة، وأقمت عنده بدمشق ملازم الاشتغال مدة سنة. (وفيات الأعيان – 3 / 244)

Students

Spending more three decades of his life teaching, it is understandable that ‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ had many students. ‘Allāmah Dhahabī lists the names of a few:

حدث عنه: الإمام شمس الدين ابن نوح المقدسي، والإمام كمال الدين سلار، والإمام كمال الدين إسحاق، والقاضي تقي الدين بن رزين، وتفقهوا به.

وروى عنه أيضا: العلامة تاج الدين عبد الرحمن، وأخوه الخطيب شرف الدين ومجد الدين ابن المهتار، وفخر الدين عمر الكرجي، والقاضي شهاب الدين ابن الخويي، والمحدث عبد الله بن يحيى الجزائري، والمفتي جمال الدين محمد بن أحمد الشريشي، والمفتي فخر الدين عبد الرحمن بن يوسف البعلبكي، وناصر الدين محمد بن عربشاه، ومحمد بن أبي الذكر، والشيخ أحمد بن عبد الرحمن الشهرزوري الناسخ، وكمال الدين أحمد بن أبي الفتح الشيباني، والشهاب محمد بن مشرف. والصدر محمد بن حسن الأرموي، والشرف محمد ابن خطيب بيت الأبار، وناصر الدين محمد ابن المجد بن المهتار، والقاضي أحمد بن علي الجيلي، والشهاب أحمد ابن العفيف الحنفي، وآخرون (سير أعلام النبلاء – 23 / 141 – 142)

Abū ‘Abdillāh aṣ-Ṣāliḥī (d. 744 AH) said:

تفقه به الأئمة: شمس الدين عبد الرحمن بن نوح، وكمال الدين سلار، وكمال الدين إسحاق، وتقي الدين بن رزين القاضي، وغيرهم. (طبقات علماء الحديث – 4 / 216)

He then said:

حدث عنه: فخر الدين عمر الكرجي ، ومجد الدين بن المهتار، والشيخ تاج الدين عبد الرحمن، والشيخ زين الدين الفارقي، والقاضي شهاب الدين الخويي ، والخطيب شرف الدين الفزاري ، وناصر الدين محمد بن المهتار، والعماد بن البالسي، وخلق.(طبقات علماء الحديث- 4 /  216)

Status

Many scholars praised him. Hereunder are the words of a few:

‘Allāmah Ibn Khalliqān said:

كان أحد فضلاء عصره في التفسير والحديث والفقه وأسماء الرجال وما يتعلق بعلم الحديث ونقل اللغة، وكانت له مشاركة في فنون عديدة، وكانت فتاويه مسددة وهو أحد أشياخي الذين انتفعت بهم. (وفيات الأعيان – 3 / 243)

He also mentioned:

وكان من العلم والدين على قدم حسن (وفيات الأعيان – 3 / 244)

Regarding his verdicts, he said:

وكانت فتاويه مسددة. (وفيات الأعيان – 3 / 243)

‘Izz ad-Dīn al-Ḥusaynī (d. 695 AH) described him saying:

وكان أحد العلماء المشهورين والأئمة المذكورين؛ جمع بين معرفة الفقه والحديث، وبرع فيهما وفي غيرهما من العلوم. وكان كثير الإتقان والتحقيق والتحرّي والتدقيق، ورعا سالكا لطريقة السّلف، عديم النّظير فيما اجتمع فيه. صلة التكملة لوفيات النقلة (1 /126)

Abū ‘Abdillāh aṣ-Ṣāliḥī (d. 744 AH) listed him in his Ṭabaqāt ‘Ulamā al-Ḥadīth and said:

الإمام، الحافظ، شيخ الإسلام. (طبقات علماء الحديث – 4 / 214)

He also stated:

وكان وافر الجلالة، كثير الهيبة، موقرا عند أرباب الدولة وكان على طريقة السلف. (طبقات علماء الحديث –  4 / 216)

‘Allāmah Dhahabī mentions about him:

الإمام، الحافظ، العلامة. (سير أعلام النبلاء – 23 / 140)

There he quoted and said:

وذكره المحدث عمر بن الحاجب في (معجمه) ، فقال: إمام ورع، وافر العقل، حسن السمت، متبحر في الأصول والفروع، بالغ في الطلب حتى صار يضرب به المثل، وأجهد نفسه في الطاعة والعبادة.

قلت: كان ذا جلالة عجيبة، ووقار وهيبة، وفصاحة، وعلم نافع، وكان متين الديانة، سلفي الجملة، صحيح النحلة، كافا عن الخوض في مزلات الأقدام، مؤمنا بالله، وبما جاء عن الله من أسمائه ونعوته، حسن البزة، وافر الحرمة، معظما عند السلطان. (سير أعلام النبلاء – 23 / 142)

He then says:

وكان مع تبحره في الفقه مجودا لما ينقله، قوي المادة من اللغة والعربية، متفننا في الحديث. متصونا، مكبا على العلم، عديم النظير في زمانه (سير أعلام النبلاء–23 / 142)

Shihāb ad-Dīn al-‘Adawī (d. 749 AH) wrote:

الفقيه الحافظ شيخ الشافعية، رجل يرجع إلى فتاويه، ويمنع كبرياؤه من يناويه، دوّنت فتاويه وأشير إليها، وأدير زمانا العمل عليها، وكان لقنا بالحديث وأجوبته، ويفاضل ما بين رجاله وأسولته، أذهب في هذا صدر شبيبته، ولقي الخصم لا يبالي بصدم كتيبته ووطي حجج أهل المنازعة بكلكله، ورمى شمس أرباب المقاذعة بأنكله ، وكان لا يعاين بترخيص في دين، ولا تنقيص إلا لمعتدين (مسالك الأبصار في ممالك الأمصار – 5 / 678)

‘Allāmah Ibn Kathīr praises him as follows:

وكان دينا زاهدا ورعا ناسكا، على طريق السلف الصالح، كما هو طريقة متأخري أكثر المحدثين، مع الفضيلة التامة في فنون كثيرة، ولم يزل على طريقة جيدة حتى كانت وفاته. (البداية والنهاية – 13 / 168)

In Ṭabaqāt ash-Shāfi’iyyīn, he said:

وكان إمامًا بارعًا حجة متبحرًا في العلوم الدينية، بصيرًا بالمذهب وأصوله وفروعه، له يد طولى في العربية والحديث والتفسير مع عبادة وتهجد وورع ونسك وتعبد وملازمة للخير

على طريق السلف في الاعتقاد. (طبقات الشافعيين – ص: 857)

Aqīdah

In light of all that has been explained, we understand that he was an Ash‘arī in ‘Aqīdah. ‘Allāmah Dhahabī said:

قلت: وكان سلفيًّا حسن الاعتقاد كافًّا عن تأويل المتكلمين مؤمنًا بما ثبت من النصوص غير خائض ولا معمق. (تذكرة الحفاظ – 4 / 149)

In Siyar he mentioned:

قلت: كان ذا جلالة عجيبة، ووقار وهيبة، وفصاحة، وعلم نافع، وكان متين الديانة، سلفي الجملة، صحيح النحلة، كافا عن الخوض في مزلات الأقدام، مؤمنا بالله، وبما جاء عن الله من أسمائه ونعوته. (سير أعلام النبلاء– 23 / 142)

View on Manṭiq

‘Allāmah Ibn Kathīr (d. 774 AH) said:

يكره طرائق الفلسفة والمنطق يغض منها. (طبقات الشافعيين – ص: 857)

‘Allāmah Dhahabī approves and quotes his verdict on this science:

ومن فتاويه أنه سئل عمن يشتغل بالمنطق والفلسفة، فأجاب: الفلسفة أس السفه والانحلال، ومادة الحيرة والضلال، ومثار الزيغ والزندقة، ومن تفلسف عميت بصيرته عن محاسن الشريعة المؤيدة بالبراهين، ومن تلبس بها قارنه الخذلان والحرمان، واستحوذ عليه الشيطان، وأظلم قلبه عن نبوة محمد -صلى الله عليه وسلم-، إلى أن قال:

واستعمال الاصطلاحات المنطقية في مباحث الأحكام الشرعية من المنكرات المستبشعة، والرقاعات المستحدثة، وليس بالأحكام الشرعية – ولله الحمد – افتقار إلى المنطق أصلا، هو قعاقع قد أغنى الله عنها كل صحيح الذهن، فالواجب على السلطان – أعزه الله – أن يدفع عن المسلمين شر هؤلاء المشائيم، ويخرجهم من المدارس ويبعدهم. (سير أعلام النبلاء – 23 / 143)

One interesting incident to mention here is that ʿImād ad-Dīn ibn Yūnus’s son was Shaykh Kamāl. Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ asked him to teach him Mantiq privately, as he was an expert in Mantiq. Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ began to go to lessons but he soon began to find it very difficult.

وتردد إليه مدة فلم يفتح عليه فيه بشيء. (وفيات الأعيان – 5 / 314)

He really struggled to understand. Shaykh Kamāl told him:

يا فقيه، ‌المصلحة ‌عندي ‌أن ‌تترك ‌الاشتغال بهذا الفن. (وفيات الأعيان – 5 / 314)

Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ asked:

فقال له: ولم ذاك يا مولانا. (وفيات الأعيان – 5 / 314)

Kamāl replied:

لأن الناس يعتقدون فيك الخير، وهم ينسبون كل من اشتغل بهذا الفن إلى فساد الاعتقاد، فكأنك تفسد عقائدهم فيك ولا يحصل لك من هذا الفن شيء؛ فقبل إشارته وترك قراءته. (وفيات الأعيان – 5 / 314)

Summary of His Life

‘Allāmah Dhahabī sums up his life saying:

وأشغل، وأفتى، وجمع وألف، تخرج به الأصحاب، وكان من كبار الأئمة. (سير أعلام النبلاء – 23 / 141)

‘Allāmah Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ mentioned about his own life that he did not ever commit a minor sin. Allāmah Subkī quotes from him and comments:

وذكر غيره أن ابن الصلاح قال ما فعلت صغيرة في عمري قط وهذا فضل من الله عليه عظيم. (طبقات الشافعية الكبرى للسبكي – 8 / 327)

Death of Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ

His death was due to the Egyptians and the Khawarizmids, who laid a siege on Damascus. This blockade led to a famine which ultimately led to the death of many prominent scholars and also to the death of Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ. Despite the siege, throngs of people came for his Janāzah. ‘Allāmah Dhahabī says:سرير

وازدحم الخلق على سريره (سير أعلام النبلاء–23 / 143)

‘Allāmah Ibn Khalliqān says:

ولم يزل أمره جاريا على سداد وصلاح حال واجتهاد في الاشتغال والنفع إلى أن توفي يوم الأربعاء وقت الصبح، وصلي عليه بعد الظهر، وهو الخامس والعشرون من شهر ربيع الآخر سنة ثلاث وأربعين وستمائة بدمشق (وفيات الأعيان – 3 / 244)

Another contemporary of his, ‘Izz ad-Dīn al-Ḥusaynī (d . 695 AH) mentioned the date as one day later:

وفي ليلة السادس والعشرين من شهر ربيع الآخر توفّي الإمام العالم العلاّمة أبو عمرو عثمان…. (صلة التكملة لوفيات النقلة – 1 / 125)

‘Allāmah Ṣāliḥī prefers that it was the 25th, and he says:

وقال غيره: انتقل إلى الله في الخامس والعشرين من ربيع الآخر سنة ثلاث وأربعين وست مئة، وكثر التأسف لفقده، وحمل نعشه على الرؤوس، وكان على جنازته هيبة وخشوع، صلوا عليه بجامع دمشق، وشيعوه إلى باب الفرج، ورجع الخلق: لمكان حصار الخوارزمية لدمشق، فخرج عشرة من خواصه، ودفنوه بمقابر الصوفية ، وقبره ظاهر يزار. (طبقات علماء الحديث – 4 / 217)

As he says, this place is known as the graveyard of the Sufīs; and it was known by this name since his time. His student wrote:

ودفن بمقابر الصوفية خارج باب النصر، رحمه الله تعالى. (وفيات الأعيان – 3 / 244)

He passed away at the age of 66:

وعاش ستا وستين سنة. (سير أعلام النبلاء – 23 / 144)

As mentioned, we visited his grave. ‘Allāmah Dhahabī said:

وقبره ظاهر يزار في طرف المقبرة من غربيها على الطريق (سير أعلام النبلاء – 23 / 144)

The graveyard itself has been destroyed. There is now a small clinic and a portion of university built on what used to be that graveyard. However, the grave of Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ is still there. It is on the side of the graves of Ibn Taymiyyah and Ibn Kathīr.

I would terminate this with the words that Ibn Kathīr quoted:

وحكى ابن خلكان عنه أنه قال: ألهمت في المنام هؤلاء الكلمات: ادفع المسألة ما وجدت التحمل يمكنك فإن لكل يوم رزقا جديدا، والإلحاح في الطلب يذهب البهاء، وما أقرب الصنيع من الملهوف، وربما كان العسر نوعا من آداب الله، والحظوظ مراتب فلا تعجل على ثمرة قبل أن تدرك فإنك ستنالها في أوانها، ولا تعجل في حوائجك فتضيق بها ذرعا، ويغشاك القنوط. (البداية والنهاية – 13 / 169)

May Allāh Taʿālā have mercy on them all.

سبحانك اللهم وبحمدك ، أشهد أن لا إله إلا أنت ، أستغفرك وأتوب إليك